Tea and Social Class Boundaries in 19th Century England

Matthew Geronimo Professor Haydu SOCI 106 12 treat 2013 afternoon teatimetime snap leaftime measure succession and kind Class Boundaries in nineteenth Century England How did tea leaf rituals, usage, and etiquette reinforce fond class boundaries in 19th degree Celsius England? This question is relevant, in that it accepts us to reflect on how simple commodities such as tea whoremaster distinguish kindly fights amid classes, both past and present it to a fault everyows us to ponder on how tea was popularized into the effortless-consumed beverage it is to this twenty-four hour period with muckle of all class defendgrounds. In her book A Necessary highlife tea in capital of Seychellesn England (2008), Julie E.Fromer discusses how in 19th nose candy England spick-and-span identification categories and new hierarchies of side developed along lines stemming from expenditure habits, creating clean-living guidelines based on what and when and how angio cardinalsin-converting enzyme consumed the commodities of side of meat culture, (Fromer, 6). After discussing nearly occupations of current tea rituals such as low and high tea, I allow elaborate on how those rituals influenced and built sociable boundaries mingled with the humiliate and stop number classes further more, I will analyze how certain tea customs and etiquette regu digiter(a) the invest of tea-time between the scorn and swiftness classes.There atomic number 18 variations on the origin of the good good afternoon tea ritual. The accepted tea legend always attri yetes the concept of afternoon tea to Anna Maria, wife of the 7th Duke of Bedford, who wrote to her brother-in-law in a garner sent from Windsor Castle in 1841 I forgot to name my old superstar Prince Esterhazy who drank tea with me the other n unrivalledtheless out at 5 oclock, or sooner was my guest amongst eight ladies at the Castle, (Pettigrew, 102).While tea was already a luxurious beverag e at the time, when to drink tea during the day became a home(a) heathenish custom. The Duchess is said to collapse experienced a sinking feeling feeling in the center of the afternoon, be defecate of the long gap between dejeuner and dinner party and so asked her maid to bring her all the required tea things and something to eat plausibly the tralatitious abrasion and butter to her private fashion in order that she might stave forward her hunger pangs, (Pettigrew, 102). wellborn citizens caught on with this trend, p artistryicipating in a ritual that would define a nation. Upper-class families would participate in low tea at a effectual hour between lunch and dinner. Manners of Modern Society, written in 1872, described the way in which afternoon tea had gradually stimulate an established event. Little afternoon teas, it explained, take place in the afternoon and were hypothetical because of the scurvy descend of food served and the neatness and elegance of th e repast, (Pettigrew, 104).Consuming food with tea during the day between meals might have speculated the English population for increase accustomed to eating too much during the day, but accord to Marie Bayard in her Hints on Etiquette (1884), afternoon tea was non supposed to be a substantial meal, merely a light refresh workforcet. She adds, Cakes, thin cabbage and butter, and acid buttered scones, muffins, or toast ar all the accompaniments strictly necessary. The swiftness classes during the 19th century were known more for tipsiness more expensive and refine teas, such as those from China, Ceylon, or Assam.The wealthy and privileged groups of 19th century England took pride in their customs with the custom of tea, they tautologicald no expense in staying true to their perfectionized rituals. Low tea was a daily practice for the upper classes. Martha Chute created a series of peecolor paintings that portrayed daily life at the Vyne in Hampshire in the mid-ninetee nth century. This particular 1860 watercolor (Pettigrew, 99) depicts a dining means send back prep bed for breakfast with the tea urn in the set of the tabularise and the tea cups laid pop.The paintings telescope takes place in a rattling upper class agency with portraits of upper class citizens and scenery artwork hung all around the room. publish in 1807, Thomas Rowlandsons Miseries Personal (Pettigrew, 65) illustrates powerful upper-class men and women socializing plot of land consuming tea to the extent that the men be all practi wishy drunk because of drunkenness too much tea. From the illustration, the earshot tail see that these powerful men have no cares, worries, or concerns at all theyre not worried about acquire food on the table for their families.They are only concerned with having a good time with the somewhat disgusted women in the painting sequence they consume heavy amounts of tea, symbolizing their refinery and high social class status. create in 1 824, Edward Villiers Rippingilles The Travellers Breakfast (Pettigrew, 77) illustrates members of the literary circle that idealized Sir Charles Elton, including Coleridge, south-centraley, and Dorothy and William Wordsworth, as they have breakfast in an inn, with the tea urn focused in the middle of the table. According to Mrs.Beeton in the 1879 edition of her Book of Household Management, At home teas and Tea Receptions were large afternoon events for up to two hundred guests. Tea was laid out on a large table in the corner of the drawing or dining room, and servants would be on contribute to pour and pass along round the cups of tea, sugar, cream or milk, cakes, and bread and butter, (Pettigrew, 107). Beeton reinforces the judgement that these products were expected to be present at the tea table for afternoon tea with the upper classes. For the upper-classes, afternoon tea could be taken out to the garden.In an 1871 graphic artwork call Kettledrum in Knightsbridge, (Pettig rew, 106) the artist displays men, women, and a child socializing in a garden, with trees and f reduces surrounding them, while they do it their afternoon tea. According to Pettigrew, the caption reads In this form of afternoon society, ladies and gentlemen can mingle . . . it is certainly much better to talk scandal in the garden than indoors, (Pettigrew, 107). From this context, Pettigrew hints that scandalous gossip was common in between slew in the upper classes during afternoon tea, and that it was better to gossip outdoors preferably than indoors.While the etiquette and customs of low tea can be reflected in the mannerisms of upper class breakfast with tea, In 1884, Marie Bayard advised in Hints on Etiquette that the good time . . . is from four to seven, whereas others advised about five, or referred to small 5 oclock teas, (Pettigrew, 108). Staying true to the detail hours with afternoon tea was significant to the upper classes in order to preserve the mentalitys that came with afternoon low tea. Guests were not expected to stay for the entire time that tea was going on, but to come and go as they pleased during the dish out hours.Most stayed half an hour or an hour but should on no account stay later than seven oclock, (Pettigrew, 108). The relationships between upper-class families and servants were distinguished with tea. Families who employed servants very often took high tea on Sunday in order to allow the maids and butler time to go to church and not worry about cooking an evening meal for the family, (Pettigrew, 112). Tea was so relevant during the 19th century that Pettigrew levels how upper-class families would rarely take a break from it.On Sundays, instead of eliminating tea from the day entirely, upper-class families would substitute their afternoon tea for high tea, which included heavier foods to alternate dinner, all for the sake of allowing their maids and servants go to church. Servants of the Queen reference her liking of te a in the 19th century as well. In capital of the United Kingdom, Queen Victoria introduced afternoon receptions at Buckingham Palace in 1865 and garden parties, known as breakfasts in 1868, (Pettigrew, 115). One of Her Majestys Servants is quoted in The Private animation of the Queen (1897), Her Majesty has a strong weakness for afternoon tea. From her primal days in Scotland, when Brown and the other gillies used to boil the timpani in a sheltered corner of the moors while Her Majesty and the small Princesses sketched, the refreshing cup of tea has ever ranked high in the Royal favour. Various forms of artwork captured the ritual of tea-time during 19th century England.A film from the 1880s presents a clear black-and-white prototype of what tea time looked kindred for the wealthy in this particular case, for the Prince and Princess of Wales as they socialize with the Rothschild family at Waddesdon Manor in Buckinghamshire, (Pettigrew, 114). In the photo, we see a garden tea party victorious place, both men and women well-dressed, all sitting smoothen in a straight posture except for the single servant, the tea table frozen with the tea urn in the middle, a tent set up, and even an umbrella placed at an angle to prevent whatever discomfort from the sun.While consuming tea was popular in the 19th century, the art and strategy of selling it as a blue-chip goodness grew in trend. Advertisements in the 19th century for tea advocated certain product brands, claiming that that specific brand was better than the rest, even hinting that they were a brand for more sophisticated, upper-class tea drinkers. An advertisement for Lipton, Tea, Coffee and Provision Dealer (Fromer, 84) attempts to differentiate uninterrupted tea drinkers from Lipton tea drinkers On the left, an illustration depicts two women smiling as they drink their tea.Their features are smooth and continual, their cheeks are pleasingly plump, and they wear bonnets everywhere their fashio nably curled hair. Their dresses indicate their middle-class wealth and fashion scent out they wear modest, high-necked gowns without excess frills or ornaments, yet the designs of their dresses reveal street smart fashion, with curving bodices, bustles, and narrow waists, (Fromer, 83). In the advertisement, the choice to drink other tea besides the Lipton brand is reflected on their mis-shaped bodies, sad etiquette, and disappointing behavior. Tea and its consumption reinforced social class boundaries in 19th century England.In bloody shame Gaskells coupling and South (1855), tea consumption serves as a statement of peoples social class and their standards. Throughout the changes in the Hales financial and social status passim the novel, their tea drinking continues unabated, and patronage the economies that they are forced to observe after Mr. Hale gives up his living, they never mention giving up tea, (Fromer, 132). Fromer comments on Gaskells newton and South (1855), marki ng how tea for upper-class citizens, such as the Hales, it too valuable in social status worth to sacrifice.Fromer continues their the Hales individualism inside the industrial town of Milton derives from their consumption patterns, their participation in the market economy of the city, the amount of money they have to spend, and the ways in which they spend it. Mr. Hale is caught off guard and is petrified by Margarets story of a mill proletarian who has come to join them for tea. Margaret Told the story completely and her father was rather taken aback by the idea of the drunken weaver finch awaiting him in his quiet study, with whom he was expected to drink tea, (Gaskell, 285). Oh dear A drunken infidel weaver said Mr.Hale to himself, in dismay, (Gaskell, 286). Mr. Hale cannot handle the idea of having a lower-class worker in his home, participating in his familys afternoon tea. The very thought of it is inconceivable to him, especially seeing how Margaret ask roundd the mi ll worker for tea. The work class was distinguished by having less etiquette and organism not well as strict with their tea rituals as the middle and upper classes. Tea for the poor was still cherished, was still valuable, but as far as how milled they could be, based on their social class status alone, they forever and a day went through hard times on a daily basis. During the on the job(p) day farm workers and labourers generally drank beer, but in the 19th century, thither was a drastic shift from beer being the common beverage workers drank throughout the day to tea. All around the country, workers refreshed themselves with hot or nippy tea in factories, mines, offices and farmers fields, on railways, roads and fishing boats. Tea had bring into being the best drink of the day, (Pettigrew, 125). The poor and working class participated mostly in high tea, which was substituted for dinner. Meals throughout the day for the working class included tea. The foremost depict ed object Food Inquiry of 1863 discovered that little had changed for the working classes since the late eighteenth century and that farm labourers and home workers, such as silk weavers, needlewomen, glover makers and shoemakers, throughout Britain, started the day with a miserable meal of milk or water gruel or porridge, bread and butter, and tea, (Pettigrew, 98). Every day was a struggle for the lower classes. M some(prenominal) working class families started each day still hungry. They would be sent off in the morning after a meager breakfast of potatoes and tea to walk several miles to their place of work.Lunch was dry bread with perhaps a little cheese in good times, and more potatoes and tea at home in the evening, (Pettigrew, 124). While daily meal intakes were simply meant to fuel laborers to get through the day, tea was always considered a luxury, something that still connected them to the upper classes, regardless of how less refined their etiquette was. daemons stories are full of poor families, young apprentices, social outcasts, and those who survived from hand to mouth, honourable about coping in very mean domiciliation that contrast markedly with the sumptuous breakfast tables of the upper and middle classes, (Pettigrew, 99).In Elizabeth Gaskells novel Mary Barton (1848), Gaskell conveys the thought-processing that went into listing what was needed for working-class meals and the importance of tea Run, Mary dear, first round the corner, and get some fresh ball at Tippings . . . and see if he has any nice ham burn down that he would let us have a pound of . . . and Mary, you must get a pennyworth of milk and a loaf of bread mind you get it fresh and new thats all, Mary. No, its not all said her husband. Though must get sixpennyworth of rum to fiery the tea . . . A watercolor painting by Thomas Unwins (1782-1857) titled Living off the Fat of the Land, a Country Feast (Pettigrew, 111) illustrates high tea in a country cottage, with what is depicted as a lower class family eating hams, cheeses, and baked bread while drinking tea. The painting portrays many people filled in a small cottage having high tea in replacement of dinner, with children playing on the floor, vegetables fallen from a sack lying on the floor, cats and dogs sleeping and startle around, a man sneezing close to the ham, a woman drinking her tea out of a saucer while tending to a child, etc. the whole illustration is a mess. While refined tea was mainly consumed by the upper classes, the working class still prize tea as a luxury, its value and worth could be tasted even with besides a little bit of sugar. In 1853, the Edinburgh Review wrote By her fireside, in her humble cottage, the lonely widow sits the kettle simmers over the cherry embers, and the blackened tea-pot on the hot brick prepares her evening drink.Her crust is scanty, yet as she sips the warm beverage little sweetened, it may be, with the produce of the sugar-cane genial thoug hts drive out in her mind her cottage grows less dark and lonely, and comfort seems to entertain the ill-furnished cabin, (Pettigrew, 111). In an 1878 photo of a poor Victorian household during tea time (Pettigrew, 104), the earreach can make out the small room in which they are all in, laundry drying on a clothesline, with some of the children not even being able to sit at the table, just sitting on a bench close to it against the wall.This photo demonstrates the leaving in tea etiquette between the upper and lower classes, especially with what looks like the eldest daughter caring for the youngest infant on her lap at the table, this being unlikely at an upper-class tea table. Tea was just as imperative as a daily commodity as it was to the upper classes. The poor household, at that placefore, represented a scaled-down recitation of the middle-class home, suggesting that nineteenth-century histories of tea portray class as a matter of degree rather than kind.Working-class fa milies aspired to the same determine as the middle classes, responding to their smaller incomes by taking further measures of economy but not by sacrificing the consumer commodities that had become necessary to English everyday life, (Fromer, 79). Tea served as a revitalizing commodity for all, even the elderly. According to Day from the Edinburgh Review in Tea Its riddle and History (1878), It is not surprising that the aged female whose earnings are barely sufficient to buy what are called the common necessaries of life, should yet spare a portion of her small gains in procuring the grateful indulgence.She can nonplus her strength with less common food when she takes her Tea along with it while she, at the same time, feels lighter in spirits, more cheerful, and fitter for this delaying work of life, because of this little indulgence, (Day, 75-76). While the wealthy upper classes had standards and expectations with their consumption of tea, the lower classes, even the poor elde rly, perceived tea as a bang-up luxury of worth that altered their everyday behavior. Tea affected her (the poor aged females) demeanor, her manner, and her cheer, enabling her to accept her burden and work harder, being fitter for the dull work life, (Fromer, 83).Tea time for the working class wasnt meant to be a socializing event, nor was it a strict ritual. Tea drinking, according to nineteenth-century ads and histories of tea, replaced the vices that were typically found among the humbler classes, including alcoholism, violence, and a lack of attention to domestic arrangements, with the values of domestic economy, respectability, good taste, thrift, and an appreciation for high-quality consumer luxuries associated with more-fortunate, middle-class economic circumstances, (Fromer, 87).Within Gaskells North and South, we get glimpses of Margaret Hales life as a junior girl. She remembered the dark, dim look of the London nursery. . . . She recollected the first tea up there sep arate from her father and aunt, who were dining somewhere down below an unfathomable depth of stairs . . . At home before she came to live in Harley Street her mothers dressing-room had been her nursery and, as they had her meals with her father and mother, (Gaskell, 38).Gaskell emphasizes the difference in settings in Margaret Hales life, contrasting the less refined and luxurious life she had before she came to live in Harley Street, to her now high social status in Harley Street. Gaskell hints this with how tea was consumed between the two settings. to a greater extent than simply differentiating the social boundaries created by tea through certain tea rituals, the etiquette of tea drinking of both the lower and upper classes reinforced these social class boundaries in 19th century England.English upper class etiquette did not just distinguish them from the poor, but also from other countries as well. A cartoon published in 1825 (Pettigrew, 84) points out the difference in ad dress and etiquette between the English and the French. The cartoon refers to the English custom of placing a withdraw across or inside the teacup to express that the drinker does not need a refill, though the audience can see that the English fictional characters in the cartoon have been refilling the Frenchmans teacup quintuple times in a humorous manner. Certain rules and expectations went into tea-time with the upper classes. Invitations to tea were issued verbally or by a small informal note or card, (Pettigrew, 108). Many aspects and variations went into tea etiquette that defined the upper classes. For how to receive guests into ones home, the Lady at Home and Abroad (1898) explains that for small tea gatherings the hostess receives her friends in the drawing room as on any other afternoon . . . but when it is a case of a regular afternoon entertainment, she stands at the head of the staircase and receives as she would at a ball or a wedding reception. Like Gaskells North and South, novels such as Emily Brontes Wuthering Heights (1847) capture the norms and etiquette that come with upper class tea time and how those norms are broken and revealed through character reactions. Within Wuthering Heights, tea creates boundaries between characters, rather than erasing them. The rituals of the tea table cause Lockwood (and readers of the novel, to an extent) to feel isolated, outcaste, and threatened, rather than welcomed in and nourished as guests and as well-reads, (Fromer, 152-153).In a scene from Brontes Wuthering Heights, the character named Lockwood, an upper-class male, seeks refuge from an early rash in Wuthering Heights. Young Catherine hesitatingly admits Lockwood into Wuthering Heights and he accepts it as an ideal setting for tea. While Catherine attempts to attain a canister of tea leaves about out of reach, Lockwood makes a motion to aid her (Bronte, 16), but she responds, I wont want your help . . . I can get them for myself. Bronte conti nues with Lockwoods narration I beg your pardon, I hastened to reply. Were you asked to tea? she demanded, tying an proscenium over her neat black frock, and standing with a spoonful of the leaf poised over the pot. I shall be glad to have a cup, I answered. Were you asked? she repeated. No, I said, half smiling. You are the proper person to ask me. She flung the tea back, spoon and all and resumed her chair in a pet, her frontal bone corrugated, and her red underlip pushed out, like a childs, ready to cry, (Bronte, 16-17). Bronte uses this scene to underline a significant aspect of upper-class tea tiquette again, Invitations to tea were issued verbally or by a small informal note or card, (Pettigrew, 108). While to present day audiences of Wuthering Heights, Catherines behavior may have seemed rude, to Brontes audience in the 19th century, Catherines response to Lockwood probably seemed understandable because according to upper-class tea etiquette, in order to lease and parti cipate in tea-time with someone, he or she needs to be invited first. In another scene from Wuthering Heights, Catherine plays hostess during tea-time with characters Edgar and Heathcliff at Wuthering Heights. The meal hardly endured ten minutes. Catherines cup was never filled she could neither eat nor drink. Edgar had make a slop in his saucer, and scarcely swallowed a mouthful, (Bronte, 97-98). Here the audience can see the difference in etiquette between the higher and lower classes, even if the difference in class is not too vast. Edgars slop in his saucer signals his unsteady hand (Fromer, 162). This moment of tea, which is supposed to bring people in concert and erase boundaries, instead emphasizes those boundaries and signals the end of peace and familial happiness, (Fromer, 162-163).Again, Bronte distinguishes the class differences reinforced through the tea ritual and form of etiquette. Like Brontes Wuthering Heights (1847), 19th century novels such as Lewis Carrolls Alic es Adventures in Wonderland (1865) delineates social class boundaries reinforced by tea etiquette. The story of Alice adventuring into Wonderland is a reflection of facing elements people are not used to for Alice, what she believed was her forte was etiquette. Carroll thus plays on the idea of expectations he assumes that we as readers, like Alice, have certain expectations of what a tea party offers, and he continually frustrates those expectations through his depiction of A brainsick Tea Party, (Fromer, 169). During the infamous Mad Tea Party scene, Alice encounters the Mad dressmaker, the March hare, and the blow at their tea party. Alice expects to be welcomed at the tea table, seeing how the table was a large one, but the three were all crowded together at one corner of it . . . (Carroll, 60).But as she approached the table, the Hare and the Mad seamstress cried out, No room No room (Carroll, 60). some(prenominal) audiences of the 19th century and present day may have found the hosts to be implausibly rude exclaiming that there is no room while there obviously was, but, again, we must remember principle etiquette that guests must be invited to tea. Both Brontes Lockwood and Carrolls Alice encounter tea setting and expect to be invited therefore, they approach the hosts and proceed to the tables, yet both characters are actually unwanted from both hosts in each novel.Lockwood and Alice are characterized as being of middle or upper class in their own storylines and they both invite themselves to these tea tables where they were never originally invited to and when they are confronted about it, they both are shocked. At any rate Ill never go there again . . . Its the stupidest tea-party I ever was at in all my life, (Carroll, 68). Carroll reinforces Alices stubbornness an inability to realize that she was the one who violated the etiquette and customs of tea time by inviting herself to tea instead of waiting for an invitation from the Mad Hatter an d the March Hare.The exchange between Alice and the Mad Hatter and March Hare exceeds levels of rudeness that audiences of both 19th century and present-day England would be appalled by. I dont think then the Hatter cuts her off, Then you shouldnt talk. This piece of rudeness was more than Alice could bear she got up in great disgust, and walked off the Dormouse fell asleep instantly, and neither of the others took the least notice of her going, though she looked back once or twice, half hoping that they would call after her, (Carroll, 67).While Alice storms off believing that the Mad Hatter and March Hare are in the wrong, Carrolls use of depicting Alice looking back conveys that in her heart, perhaps Alice knew that she was the one who violate the proper mannerisms and etiquette of tea time. From Fromers perspective, After feeling adrift and confused during her travels through Wonderland, Alice has lastly stumbled upon a setting where she feels at home and thinks that she knows what to expect and how to act at the tea table . . .She expects the boundaries that so clearly separate her from all of the other characters she has met to finally be overcome, so that she can feel welcomed and nourished as an intimate guest rather than an unexpected and unwelcome intruder, (Fromer, 170-171). Tea rituals, customs, and etiquette distinguish people from one another, they sort them into groups labeled either poor or wealthy. tea functions, in countless novels, as a moment of highlighting the boundaries between self and other, inside and outdoors, day and night boundaries both within outside of the intimate realm . . Part of what makes this particular tea party imbalanced is the fact that it violates the boundaries of time just as much as it destroys expectation of hospitality and civility, (Fromer, 172). Both Alice and Brontes Lockwood assume that simply by being part of the upper classes of society that they are entitled to respect from others but as Gaskells and Carrolls audiences have realized, having respect for others defines social status and influences social mannerisms and proper etiquette. Within Gaskells North and South (1854-55), the image of the tea table functions as a crystallization of English field of study identity and the various social classes that make up that national champion of self, (Fromer, 129). Fromer analyzes North and South as a novel that distinguishes the different social classes in 19th century England and how their social statuses are formed and reinforced by through tea rituals and etiquette.Furthermore, based on circulating cultural expectations of the social manners and consumption rituals performed during teatime, the English ideal of the tea table served as shared experience upon which to base ones identity and to gauge the social status of others, (Fromer, 129). Tea, as a fluid constant in English culture, with its accompanying social rituals, was flexible enough to take and to mark subtle differen ces in social status, to mediate these differences between groups within the English nation, (Fromer, 12).Members of both the lower and upper classes participated in tea rituals depending on their social class statuses, they were more than likely to participate in one or the other. Quite simply, the middle and upper-class members of societies active in afternoon low tea the majority of the time because of its origin to English royal line and the purpose to keep hunger away between noon and dinner meals. On the other end, the poor and working class members of society engaged in high tea, combining their dinner meal with tea in order to alleviate the time and costs of tea time in the middle of the afternoon.The working class did not concern themselves with strict and traditional customs and etiquette like the middle and upper classes did. They participated in high tea for the practical purpose of fighting off hunger while retaining a sense of dignity and luxury with the value and wor th of tea. As endue by Fromer (11) Nineteenth century representations of tea highlight the role of the tea table in forging a unified English national identity out of disparate social groups, economic classes, and genders separated by ideologically distinct spheres of daily life. Bibliography Bayard, Marie. Hints on Etiquette. redact by Marie Bayard. London Weldon & Company, 1884. Beeton, Mrs. Mrs. Beetons Book of Household Management. Edited by Nicola Humble. Abridged version of 1861 edition. NewYork Oxford University Press, 2000. Bronte, Emily. Wuthering Heights. New York. Penguin Books, 1993. Carroll, Lewis. Alices Adventures in Wonderland and Through the Looking Glass. New York Oxford University Press, 1982. Day, Samuel Phillips.Tea Its closed book and History. London Digital Text Publishing Company, 2010. Fromer, Julie E. A Necessary opulence Tea in Victorian England. Athens Ohio University Press, 2008. Gaskell, Elizabeth. Mary Barton & North and South. Edited by Edgar Wrig ht. New York Oxford University Press, 1987. One of Her Majestys Servants. The Private vivification of the Queen. Edited by Emily Sheffield. Gresham Books, 1979. Pettigrew, Jane. A Social History of Tea. London National Trust Enterprises, 2001.